научный журнал по истории и историческим наукам Вестник древней истории ISSN: 0321-0391

МАХЛАЮК А.В. — 2008 г.

The article deals with certain ways of the Roman generals' behaviour before their troops in times of mutiny. This subject has not attracted due attention of scholars (except a few pages in E. Flaig's recent book). There was a surprisingly large number of situations when the commander addressed his army with prayers and tears, assuming a supplicant pose, even prostrating himself at soldiers' feet, rending his clothes, threatening to stab himself or to commit suicide in some other way. The author examines a series of such episodes of Roman history dating from the late Roman Republic to the late Principate analysing them from the semantic point of view. Naturally, extreme situations called for extreme gestures. However, some of these gestures were used not only in times of mutiny, but also in other situations to influence the army's mood. The gestures were similar to those employed by Roman orators in their speeches in court, as well as before the senate and people's assemblies. In spite of the variety of particular situations and possible means a commander could resort to in order to restore the obedience or to save his own life, the main purpose of such behaviour was to decrease tension during the critical moments by means of shortening the social and psychological distance between the commander and his troops. The symbolic «language» of these gestures and expressions, being deeply rooted in the Roman traditions and sensitivity, was, no doubt, rather familiar to Roman legionaries. Therefore, it was the control of those means that allowed Roman generals to be able to suppress mutinies effectively. If the commander's weeping and other forms of supplication appealed, first of all, to the emotional and sentimental sides of a soldier's soul, the undisguised demonstration by the commander of his will to die was a direct appeal to soldiers' sense of military honour. But both ways of behaviour meant a radical rupture with the common, daily mode of interaction between the general and his troops; both these ways transferred that interaction to an absolutely different semantic and emotional dimension. And they both were considered to be acceptable, even standard in appropriate situations.

ВАСИЛИК В.В. — 2008 г.

СМОРЧКОВ A.M. — 2008 г.

The article analyses religious requirements and authority connected with censorship, an office whose sacral meaning was considered as being higher than that of the magistrates. The greatest attention is paid to lustrum, a sacral and political ritual that had highest importance for the life of the civic community, being a legal sanction of the census. Its religious meaning was connected with the belief that duly (rite) performed ceremony ensured prosperity till the next lustrum. This explains some sacral restrictions censors were subjected to: the prohibition to elect a censor instead of the deceased one, to see a dead body, to defer lustrum, etc. These restriction had developped from precedents, i.e. the cases when the ritual and the period threafter had been considered inopportune (infelix lustrum). Both censors were responsible for the due performance of the rite, though only one performed it by lot. The character of censors cooperation during the sacral act is analysed for the cases of P. Scipio Aemilianus' and L. Mummius censorship (142/141 BC). The analysis shows that one of the censors uttered the vow, and the second performed the suovetaurilia. It was the offering that was considered essential, in accordance with Roman religious practice. Hence, it was the name of the second censor that was connected with the whole of the ceremony. In this ceremony one clearly can see interaction of political and religious principles chacteristic of the republican system in Rome.

МОРДВИНЦЕВА В. И. — 2008 г.

This is a response to LP. Zasetskaya's critical paper on the author's book about polychrome animal style (VDI. 2006. № 2. P. 97-130). She claims that Zasetskaya's criticism of the methods used in the book seems to be inconsistent in the light of modern research in this field.

КУЛИШОВА О.В. — 2008 г.

The author reviews modern attitudes to the study of offerings to the greatest Greek sanctuary of Apollo in Delphi. She points out the interdisciplinary character of the studies and the role of sociological and anthropological approaches to the material in question. In this context exchange of gifts is considered as a mechanism of social integration and offerings are regarded as a kind of «intermediaries» in the communication between men and gods (seen from the point of view of communication in the ancient Greek world); the nature of the gift is ambivalent, the treasuries of common Greek sanctuaries are not just depositories of valuable offerings, but also a means of self-identification of Greek communities, etc. Analysing some of the modern studies (by M. Godelier, A. Jaquemin, V. Rosenberger and others), the author lists some examples of offerings to Delphi, mainly in the archaic and early classic periods, which allow to reconsider relevant written sources and archaeological material from a new point of view (the Corinthian treasury, offerings of Croesus and of other foreign kings, etc.).

ГОЛОВИНА В.А. — 2008 г.

The basic mythological model of royal power in Egypt, constantly realized both verbally and visually, did not imply a feminine figure of queen. From the very beginning of its history, the king of Ancient Egypt was conceived as an earthly (human) manifestation of Hor-Falkon, one of the oldest Egyptian deities. In the early dynastic period Hor-Falkon was worshipped as the supreme solar and cosmic de

ПАВЛОВСКАЯ А.И. — 2008 г.

СОСНИНА Е.Б. — 2008 г.

Ariodante Fabretti, Professor of Turin University and President of Turin Academy of Sciences, was one of the most eminent Italian classical scholars of the 2nd half of the 19th century with whom I.V. Tsvetaev (Cvetaev, Zvetaev) co-operated in the field of Latin epigraphy and Italic philology. Their correspondence started in November 1875 and, though it was not regular, lasted for ten years. In his numerous linguistic works of 1877-1887 devoted to Italic inscriptions Tsvetaev cited Fabretti's works not just accepting, but occasionally criticising his views. For Tsvetaev, Fabretti was one of the greatest classical scholars and investigators of Italic dialects whose works he considered fundamental. Fabretti's biography (which has never been a subject of special study in Russian) reflects all the vicissitudes and contradictions of the epoch when Italy was being unified to form a new state. It shows how thorny the way of an Italian scholar to the classical studies could be. He was not just an influential scholar (historian, archaeologist, philologist, epigraphist), but an outstanding political figure of the Risorgimento. The «Augusta» Library (Perugia) houses Fabretti's archive including his vast correspondence with historians and philologists (Th. Mommsen, E. Renan, G. P. Vieussieux, P. Vil-lari), political figures of the Risorgimento (F. Crispi, A. Depretis, R. Bonghi, G. Mazoni) and many others. Four letters of I.V. Tsvetaev are also in this collection. Farbetti's responses to Tsvetaev (of 1879 and 1885) are preserved in the Department of Manuscripts of the State Pushkin Fine Arts Museum. They provide evidence that A. Farbetti highly appreciated Tsvetaev's works on Italic dialects.

БОГДАНОВ И.В. — 2008 г.

Автор признателен «Фонду содействия отечественной науке» за финансовую поддержку.

БРАТКИН Д.А. — 2008 г.

The issue of the so-called 'case law' of Roman Egypt had been making scholars of Roman law and papyri restless for decades, yet Ranon Katzoff seemed to have terminated the dispute. In his ground-breaking article of 1972 he managed to show that on no occasion was there any convincing instance of the case law in its pure form. Later, in his 1980 ANRW entry he provided a comprehensive list of references to the papyri to prove his argument and carried it further, almost closing the issue. Katzoff's main thesis, namely that advocates and petitioners referred to an earlier legal case as 'acceptable evidence of law' is not challenged in the present article. Nor does its author try to contest the explanation for this suggested first by Jolowicz in 1937 and later revised by Katzoff. Moving along the same line as Katzoff he adds three new items to his list of reasons which made precedent the most popular evidence of law in the courts of Roman Egypt. First, one should not fail to notice close links which exist between the habit of case quoting in Egypt and the rescript referred to in D. 1. 3. 38. In this passage Callistratus mentions that Septimius Severus acknowledged the force of the precedent (res iudicata) in ambiguous cases. By that decision the judge was obliged to follow the precedents which demonstrated the local custom of law (consuetudo). This almost entirely coincides with the usual intentions of the advocates and petitioners (as it was shown by Katzoff), therefore grave reasons exist to suppose that Severus merely validated the practice which had existed in Egypt at least AD 70s, as it is manifested by the papyri. Second, local Egyptian lawyers, albeit competent in professional questions, lacked the right to issue responsa which would have binding force for any provincial judge. Their status was even lower since that particular right or ius publicae respondendi was granted as privilege by the emperor himself. There are numerous examples of local lawyers consulting the judges and/or the parties either in oral or in written form. The verdict passed on the base of such a consultation combined the legal status of the judge appointed either by the emperor or by the emperors delegate with the legal expertise of the lawyers who advised the judge on the matter. Third, it was the matter of practice which made judicial verdicts so frequent among the evidence of law used in the court. Although in terms of legal theory precedents had no force at all and were eclipsed by responsa of prominent jurists and emperors decisions, in terms of accessibility no other document was as available to the general public as the protocols. Forensic protocols were recorded in the official daybooks of the Egyptian administrators (hypomnematismoi). Those were kept both in central and local archives of Roman Egypt and were open for the extracts to be searched and copied. On the contrary, there was no similar system for the imperial endorsements or resolutions, and those available were publicized and collected in a haphazard way. In conclusion the author makes one step further. The precedent itself was not only a source Egyptian advocates obtained their knowledge of law from, as Katzoff suggested. Forensic decision was a marginal form within the Roman legal reasoning and thus it had no independent value. By the concatenation of circumstances it became a valuable tool within the provincial legal framework and thus enjoyed such a wide use.

АНТОНОВА Е.В. — 2008 г.

ИВАНЧИК А. И. — 2008 г.

The author publishes three fragments of inscriptions discovered in Tanais in 1969 and 1993-1994. They come from the second - first half of the 1st century ВС and seem to have been made in the same workshop. All the three inscriptions were ordered by thiasoi. They prove that a considerable barbarian element (the Tanaites) was present in Tanais as early as the Hellenistic period and that the double social and ethnic structure (two communities, the Tanaites and the Hellenes, controlled by archons of the Tanaites and hellenarchai respectively) existed at that time as well. On the contrary, the opinion (which has recently become very popular) that Tanais had its own civic community, democratically governed and independent of Bosporus, does not appear to receive any support in these inscriptions.

КУДРЯВЦЕВА Т. В. — 2008 г.

The speakers in the Athenian lawsuits were attempting to win the sympathy of the jurors verbalising the norms and beliefs sanctioned by society. They reproduced and in some way adjusted the ideology of the Athenian democracy. The content of their speech was not only concrete action, which was an object of a suit, but the all preceding public and private life of a litigant. The orator tried to represent his character and behavior in the highest possible favorable light, and defile the claims and views of his opponent. Different topos are examined: «inexperienced orator», «irreproachable biography», «lavish liturgist». The litigants stressed a personal motive in initiating a suit (enmity, hatred, revenge) so as not to be suspected of sycophancy. One of the favorite topos was to exaggerate his poverty and to juxtapose it with the opponent's wealth. As J. Ober observes, by lowering his real status the speaker put himself on the same social footing as his audience and demonstrated that he shared the communal prejudices and values. The litigant could ask questions to his rival; the jurors reacted to their speeches very emotionally, interrupting them by cheers of approval and disapproval. The cluster of spectators and supporters was present and sometimes the orators addressed it. The litigants (especially the defendant) did their best in seeking the jurors' compassion - they cried, brought their children etc. The ritual of begging was not only a way of playing upon the judges' emotions: the appeals and tears humiliating the imploring person (a member of elite in particular) strengthened superiority and collective power of demos in the form of jurors. The deliberate departure from the established style of judicial speeches would cost a litigant dearly. An example is that of Socrates: as Plato and Xenophon state, he was condemned and paid his life for his abhorrence of this practice.

2008

МОРДВИНЦЕВА В.И. — 2008 г.

Статья подготовлена при поддержке фонда А. фон Гумбольдта.

КРОЛ А.А. — 2008 г.

The article studies the ritual meaning of the sed-festival run and localisation of a place where this run might have taken place while performed by rulers of Early Dynastic Egypt. The first part of the article is devoted to the study of the sed-festival. The author expresses his doubts concerning the opinion that originally heb-sed was a festival of the renewal of the king's potency. From the author's point of view, the rise of the state and that of the sed-festival may be connected. In fact, intensive analysis of the sources shows that the sed-festival came into being at the dawn of dynastic history as a military celebration held after the successful suppression of revolts in the Delta and re-unification of the country under the power of a strong monarch. The heb-sed run of a pharaoh was a culmination point of the sed-festival celebration in all periods of ancient Egypt history. The ruler is usually depicted as performing his run between semi-circular, horseshoe-like signs reminding of the letter D. They are called dnbw in hieroglyphic texts. The author assumes that the dnbw signs were associated by ancient Egyptians with the southern and northern borders of the country. In this case the territory limited by them could be conceived as the whole of Egypt. The run between dnbw signs also has the meaning of Upper and Lower Egypt's unification. At the same time it demonstrated physical strength of the ruler. The author believes that triple repetition of the horseshoe-shaped sign on the depictions of the serf-festival run presumably expresses the idea of plurality of objects rather than indicates their exact number. Thus if we mentally continue those sets of signs and than enclose them from both sides the received picture will be identical to the representation of an early dynastic city surrounded by a protective wall. In this case horseshoe signs could be nothing but a symbolic image of towers of the city walls around which a pharaoh was making his run. The author presumes that originally during the serf-festival a pharaoh made a ritual run around the walls of city rather than of the City par excellence, i.e. Memphis, which became capital of the state at the accesion of the I dynasty. The second part of the article is devoted to the localization of the «White Walls» which were the object of circumambulation during the serf-festival run. The author believes that in the Early Dynastic period and during the III Dynasty rule the core of Memphis lay in the northern part of the present day Memphis site, on the territory which bears the modern Arabic name of Kom Tuman. The Center for Egyptological Studies of the Russian Academy of Sciences is currently conducting archaeological excavations in this area. The author also argues that some palatial installations of the III dynasty were situated in the area of Kom Tuman. Although it is a very speculative idea, it follows the pattern of the city development. The site is located almost opposite the Djoser and Sekhemhet mortuary complexes. The author believes that the architectural layout of the pharaoh Apries' palatial complex at Kom Tuman copied main features of the Djoser mortuary complex which in its turn imitated in stone the residence of the first ruler of the Old Kingdom built of perishable material. The ideology of the XXVI dynasty would fit very well into this spatial symbolism. Later on after the fall of Apries, the Kom Tuman area did not lose its status as the governmental center of the Memphite city. We may presume that under the rule of Amasis, colonies of Carian and Ionian mercenaries were settled there beside the Apries palace. It remained the main stronghold of the city under the Persian dominance in Egypt. Most probably the Apries palace and a camp surrounded by an enclosure wall were the White Fortress (Leukon Teikhos), where, according to Herodotus, a Persian garrison was disposed.

НОВИЧИХИН А. М. — 2008 г.

Among the numismatic finds from the settlement of Andreevskaya Shchel I on the Gorgip-pian chora there is a coin of the 60s ВС from Chersonesus Taurica. As well as other coins and ceramic ware from Chersonesus found in Gorgippia and on its chora, it is a piece of evidence proving steady contacts between the two cities in antiquity. The find from Andreenskaya Shchel testifies as well to the fact that contacts between Chersonesus and the cities of Bosporus were intensified in the «Mithridatic period», especially at its later stage, when Chersonesus and Bosporus became the last strongholds of Mithri-dates Eupator king of Pontus.

КОРОТКИХ Л. М. — 2008 г.

Native culture on the Iberian Peninsula developped according to the same laws as in Greece, Italy and Asia Minor and approximately within the same chronological limits (the second half of the 2nd millenium ВС - the middle of the I millenium ВС). Its development was modified by outer as well as by inner factors. The term of «Iberian culture» refers to the essence of the cultural world of the Peninsula, just in the way the terms «Hellenic», «Etruscan» or «Hittite» denote characteristic features of respective cultures taken on the whole (i.e. in defiance of local ethnic nuances within each of them). In economical and socio-political spheres, reflected in mythological systems and ritual practice, the Iberian culture exhibits characteristic features making it different in the eyes of ancient historians and ethnographers, who designated the bearers of this culture as «Iberians».

САПРЫКИН С.Ю. — 2008 г.

БУЙСКИХ А.В. — 2008 г.