научный журнал по истории и историческим наукам Вестник древней истории ISSN: 0321-0391

Архив научных статейиз журнала «Вестник древней истории»

  • ЯКОВ АБРАМОВИЧ ЛЕНЦМАН (К 100-ЛЕТИЮ СО ДНЯ РОЖДЕНИЯ)

    ПАВЛОВСКАЯ А.И. — 2008 г.

  • DIODORUS SICULUS ON ONE INDIAN RITE

    BONGARD-LEVIN G. M., KOSHELENKO G.A. — 2007 г.

  • HAYIM TADMOR. ASSYRIA, BABYLONIA AND JUDAH. STUDIES IN THE HISTORY OF THE ANCIENT NEAR EAST

    ЯКЕРСОН С.М. — 2007 г.

  • PRINCIPATUS MEDIO (PLIN. NH. XIII. 74). К ПРОБЛЕМЕ ИНТЕРПРЕТАЦИИ ОПИСАНИЯ ПРОИЗВОДСТВА ПАПИРУСА У ПЛИНИЯ СТАРШЕГО

    АНТОНЕЦ Е. В., СОЛОПОВ А. И. — 2007 г.

  • VIII МЕЖДУНАРОДНАЯ КОНФЕРЕНЦИЯ ПО ЭЛЛИНИСТИЧЕСКОЙ ПОЭЗИИ (ЕРОНИНГЕН, 30 АВГУСТА-1 СЕНТЯБРЯ 2006 Г.)

    ИЛЮШЕЧКИНА Е.В. — 2007 г.

  • XII МЕЖДУНАРОДНЫЙ КОЛЛОКВИУМ ПО МИКЕНОЛОГИИ (РИМ, 20-25 ФЕВРАЛЯ 2006 Г.)

    КАЗАНСКИЙ Н.Н. — 2007 г.

  • «ВЕСТНИКУ ДРЕВНЕЙ ИСТОРИИ» - 70 ЛЕТ

    2007

  • «ИОСИФ И АСЕНЕТ»: «МИДРАШ» ДО МИДРАША И «РОМАН» ДО РОМАНА ЧАСТЬ 2* «ИОСИФ И АСЕНЕТ В КОНТЕКСТЕ ЭЛЛИНИСТИЧЕСКОЙ ПОВЕСТИ**

    БРАГИНСКАЯ H. В. — 2007 г.

    Первая часть этой статьи была опубликована в память о С.С. Аверинцеве. Пока я работала над второй частью, не стало и другой опоры отечественной классической и русской филологии, академика РАН Михаила Леоновича Гаспарова. М.Л. Гаспарову русская культура второй половины XX в. обязана столь многим, что посвящение его памяти еще сырой, только что написанной работы, честь мной не заслуженная и чрезмерная. Остается уповать на то, что снисходительность этого ни на кого не похожего человека к чужой слабости и за гробом осталась прежней. I. ВЫБОР РОДИНЫ ДЛЯ РОМАНА: 1. Элинистическое влияние - так ли оно очевидно? 2. Во- сточное происхождение греческого романа. 3. Средиземноморская «мифологема» страстей-бра- ка-обращения-посвящения. 4. Библейская «лаборатория» романа или эллинистическая «матри- ца»? 5. Книга Эсфири и «персидский след». II.. СРАВНЕНИЕ «ИОСИФ И АСЕНЕТ» И «ХЕРЕЯ И КАЛЛИРОИ»: 1. Роман исторический и любовный. 2. Прекрасная пара. 3. Красота и божественность. 4. Чувства, чувствительность, поцелуи. 5. Сюжетная композиция. 6. Отношения с богами или Богом: вина, искупление, обращение. 7. Мнимые смерти. III. СИМВОЛИЧЕСКИЙ СМЫСЛ КАК ПРЯМОЙ, КАК «СКРЫТЫЙ» И КАК АЛЛЕГОРИЧЕСКИЙ: 1. «Метаморфозы»: роман-обращение. 2. Символическое толкование античного романа. 3. Притча о страстном и целомудренном Эроте. 4. Целомудрие в «Иосиф и Асенет». 5. Прагматика «Иосиф и Асенет». IV. МАРГИНАЛЬНОСТЬ РОМАНА В СИСТЕМЕ АНТИЧНЫХ ЖАНРОВ. САМОСОЗНАНИЕ И САМООПРЕДЕЛЕНИЕ ЖАНРА: 1. Сакральная, прагматическая и референциальная легитимация литературного произведения. 2. В отсутствие Sacra Scriptum. 3. Неклассический контекст класси- ческой литературы.

  • «НЕСВОЕВРЕМЕННЫЙ» ГЕРОДОТ (ЭПИЧЕСКИЙ ПРОЗАИК МЕЖДУ ЛОГОГРАФАМИ И ФУКИДИДОМ)

    СУРИКОВ И. Ε. — 2007 г.

    Several years ago M.L. Gasparov demonstrated convincingly that Herodotus' «History» as a whole was composed according to the principle of pedimental symmetry. The work was not completed by the author: in its final version it would have included the Greco-Persian wars up to their end in 449 B.C. The presence of the general compositional principle proves that Herodotus had a clear project of his work from the very beginning. He started his «History» exactly as a history of wars between Greeks and Persians and did not compile its various logoi mechanically. In any case, the great book by Herodotus is an open text structure. It has some features, which make it comparable with the epics, notwithstanding the fact that Herodotus wrote in prose. His place in the Greek intellectual revolution is in some respects «inopportune». While standing chronologically between logographers (Hecataeus and others) and Thucydides, he differs from both in his attitude towards the previous traditions, in his treating religion and myths and in his thematic breadth. For Herodotus, the «structures of daily occurrence» are a full-right subject of historical research. Since Thucydides, history turns entirely to political, military and diplomatic topics. Ironically, the «epical» Herodotus proves to be closer to the positions of twentieth-century historians.

  • ΙΩΣΗΠΟϒ ΒΙΟΣ ЖИЗНЬ ИОСИФА ФЛАВИЯ

    АФИНОГЕНОВА Д.Е., СЕМЕНЧЕНКО Л.В. — 2007 г.

  • ГРЕЧЕСКИЙ ГЛАГОЛ ΤΑΡΧΥΩ «ПОГРЕБАЮ» И МАЛОАЗИЙСКИЙ МИФ О ПОРАЖЕНИИ БОГА-ПОБЕДИТЕЛЯ

    ЦЫМБУРСКИЙ В. Л. — 2007 г.

    Происхождение греч. ταρχυω - «хороню, погребаю» стало в классической филологии XIX-XX вв. предметом разноречивых догадок, среди которых взяла верх мысль о связи этого глагола с малоазийской религиозной традицией. В предлагаемой статье я также принимаю эту связь, но при этом пытаюсь существенно переосмыслить ее характер по сравнению с привычной ее трактовкой в литературе.

  • ДРЕВНЕЙШИЙ ПУТЕВОДИТЕЛЬ ПО АРАВИИ (РLIN. NH. VI. 157-159)

    БУХАРИН M. Д. — 2007 г.

  • ЕЩЕ РАЗ К ВОПРОСУ О ССОРЕ МЕЖДУ КАЛЛИМАХОМ И АПОЛЛОНИЕМ РОДОССКИМ

    ЗАВЬЯЛОВА В.П. — 2007 г.

  • ИЗ ОНОМАСТИКИ СЕВЕРНОГО ПРИЧЕРНОМОРЬЯ. XIX: МАЛОАЗИЙСКИЕ ИМЕНА НА БОСПОРЕ (V-IV ВВ. ДО Н.Э.)*

    ТОХТАСЬЕВ С. Р. — 2007 г.

    The epigraphic data show that in the 5th-4th cc. BC a great number of immigrants moved from Asia Minor to the Bosporus. The number of Microasian names (48) and their bearers (62 at least) known on the Bosporus in the 5th and 4th c. BC is second only to the Greek names. Even the names belonging to the onomasticon of North Pontic peoples are on the third place only (max. 25 names of 27 bearers). Apart from the name of the founder of the Spartokid dynasty, Thracian names to be found in that period are only: Dindos and «Graeco-Thracian» Thynos and Kotytion (as well as Kototion). It is generally very difficult or even impossible to establish the ethnic identity of a name-bearer. One cannot be sure if the descendants of the first colonists of the Bosporus were among the bearers of names typical of Asia Minor. This seems to be true about Sammas and Gyges. The supposition that among the emigrants from Ionia during the colonization period there were people with Carian or Lydian names, has some grounds, if one takes into consideration the Carian name of Thymnes, an epitropos of the Scythian king Ariapeithes in Olbia (Herod. IV. 76. 6). In any case, the majority of other bearers of names typical of Asia Minor came to the Bosporus after the colonization period from the areas of Asia Minor occupied by the Greeks during the Great Colonization. More specifically, this applies mainly to the South Pontic area (Paphlagonia, Cappadocia) and, perhaps, to Phrygia. But the emigrants from Phrygia must have come to the Bosporus via South Pontic cities as well. Family gravestones with names which are almost all non-Greek (and for the greatest part typical of Asia Minor) give grounds to suppose that whole families would come to live on the Bosporus. The process was not that of gradual and spontaneous increase of population coming from Asia Minor because of vicissitudes of life, but of an organized immigration of a group or successive groups of epoikoi. Why and under what circumstances epoikoi from Asia Minor came to the Bosporus as early as the beginning of the 5th c. BC, one cannot so far say for sure. The data collected in this paper must be subjected to further analysis. But it is clear by now that Bosporan South Pontic cities were from the Late Archaic period connected by some kind of relations to be cleared up.

  • К ВОПРОСУ О ПАРНЫХ ПЕРСОНИФИКАЦИЯХ В ГРЕЧЕСКОЙ МИФОЛОГИИ

    КОВАЛЕВА И. И. — 2007 г.

    The author analyses the pattern of double personifications accompanying Greek deities (Fear and Horror, Power and Violence etc.). She draws a parallel between these pairs and pairs of characters flanking the central figure on numerous oriental and early Greek monuments. The comparison implies that two personifications are not supposed to have different functions to be strictly discerned, but rather represent one idea devided in two by virtue of the iconographical habit.

  • КЛИМАТИЧЕСКИЙ ДЕТЕРМИНИЗМ И ИСТОРИЯ КЛИМАТА В РАБОТАХ В.В. КЛИМЕНКО

    КАРПЮК С.Г. — 2007 г.

  • МЕЖДУНАРОДНАЯ КОНФЕРЕНЦИЯ «САБЕЙСКИЕ ВСТРЕЧИ,10. НОВЕЙШИЕ ОТКРЫТИЯ В ЭПИГРАФИКЕ И АРХЕОЛОГИИ ЮЖНОЙ АРАВИИ» (САНКТ-ПЕТЕРБУРГ, 31 МАЯ-3 ИЮНЯ 2006 Г.)

    СЕДОВ А.В., ФРАНЦУЗОВ С.А. — 2007 г.

  • НОВАЯ НАДГРОБНАЯ ЭПИГРАММА ИЗ ПАНТИКАПЕЯ

    ИВАНЧИК А. И., КОВАЛЬЧУК A.B., ТОЛСТИКОВ В. П. — 2007 г.

  • НОВЫЕ НАДПИСИ ИЗ ФАНАГОРИИ*

    КУЗНЕЦОВ В. Д. — 2007 г.

    Two inscriptions published in this paper were unearthed in Phanagoria at the same place where the other two inscriptions published in the VDI were found (VDI. 2006. № 1. P. 155-172). One of them tells about the restoration of a portico destroyed in an unknown war. It is dated back to 517 of the Bosporan Era (=220 AD) and is the first to mention νησαρχης a term which the author considers equivalent to ο επι τη"ς νησου of Bosporan inscriptions. The second document is an epitaph on the pedestal of the statue of Hypsikratia, wife of Mithridates VI Eupator, King of Pontus. She is called here by a man's name Hypsikrates, which finds its explanation in Plutarch (Pomp. 32). Hypsikratia probably died during a revolt against Mithridates in Phanagoria in 63 BC, known from Appian (App. Mithr. 108).

  • ПОДВЛАСТНЫЙ СЫН НА ВОЕННОЙ СЛУЖБЕ PATRIA POTESTAS, PECULIUM CASTRENSE И СОЦИАЛЬНЫЙ СТАТУС РИМСКИХ ЛЕГИОНЕРОВ В ЭПОХУ ИМПЕРИИ

    МАХЛАЮК А. В. — 2007 г.

    In the context of the discussion about the social meaning of patria potestas in the Classical period, the author analyses the essence, the causes and the consequences of special legal norms and privileges concerning rights and family status of sons under patria potestas in military service (milites filii familias). The institute of peculium castrense, created with regard for specific conditions and needs of military service, made it possible, without disclaiming the principles of patria potestas, to restrict and control its application in the sphere of high state importance. The institute of peculium castrense smoothed over the difference between the persons sui iuris and alieni iuris, for such difference put in quite different positions soldiers under patria potestas and their independent fellows. At the same time the existence of milites filii familias as a special legal category is indicative of the importance of patria potestas, so great that even some irrelevant, as it might seem, details of everyday life of a small part of Roman soldiers could call for the emperor's legal intervention. It was important to the emperors not only to bring about an innovation, but also to show his benevolence towards the warriors. Therefore, political and ideological considerations got entangled with quite pragmatic reasons for introducing special privileges. A special status of the professional army and the privileges granted to the military men would come to inevitable and not negligible contradictions with patria potestas. This means that the latter was not a marginal, or symbolic, or abstract convention, but an effective factor having to do with real life of a small but socially and politically important professional and social group of the Roman society.