научный журнал по истории и историческим наукам Вестник древней истории ISSN: 0321-0391

SOKOLOVA M.I. — 2008 г.

The paper offers a reinterpretation of the meaning of the preposition n as a part of adverbial predicate. It argues that n in this construction does not have the meaning of possession, but means something like «intended for, destined to, related to», etc. For illustration the author analyses two disputable fragments from Middle Kingdom literary texts, namely pPrisse 12, 4-5 («The Teaching of Ptahhotep») and pBerlin 3024, 99-101 («The Dispute between a Man an His Ba»), stating that the meaning of the preposition n is a crucial point for their interpretation. Assuming the above-mentioned meaning of the preposition n («intended for, destined to, related to») she proposes a way to explain these two difficult literary fragments. For the verses of «The Teaching of Ptahhotep» in question the author offers the following translation: «Like one making the rudder (one) time to the land, another (time the same action is intended) to keep away (from the land)». That agrees perfectly with the general context of the corresponding maxim in which the undesirable behavioral extremes are compared to each other. And for the mentioned verses of «The Dispute between a Man an His Ba» the following interpretation is suggested: «Behold, my name is detested because of you more than (that of) a manly ( qn ) lad, who is said to be related to something hateful for him». The author thinks that H. Goedicke was quite right offering for the fragment an interpretation implying homosexual relations («a valiant lad against whom it is said: He belongs to the one he hates!»), but the accurate translation should be a little different. The lad does not belong to anybody, he is said (defamatorily) to be related to homosexuality. The suggested interpretation of the preposition n as a part of an adverbial predicate agrees with the specific Egyptian conception of property, which has been studied in detail by Yu. Perepelkin in his monograph «The Domain of Old Kingdom Dignitaries» (Moscow, 1988). Proceeding from vast evidence he convincingly demonstrated that the Egyptian content of the concept «property» in the Old Kingdom differed markedly from the present-day one. All the examples cited in this paper belong to the Middle Kingdom, and in fact they give the evidence that there were no considerable shifts in the sphere of property concept in that period. It is well known that Egyptian (as well as many other languages of the Afro-Asian family) does not have the verb «have». Therefore the imparting of the possessive meaning to the predicative construction ' n + name' reflects mental stereotypes of modern scholars rather than the real situation of the Egyptian language, which does not seem to have had such meanings at all.

САФРОНОВ А.В. — 2008 г.

In the first part of the article the author considers the figure of «Great Chancellor of the Entire Land» Bay, who became exeptionally influential under Pharaoh Siptah and even claimed that he had «established the king on the seat of his father». The author suggests that Bay could have been of Syrian origin. In that case his influence could be due to some kind of relationship with Pharaoh Siptah, who, in the author's opinion, was son of Pharaoh Mernep-tah and his Syrian concubine Soteraja. In the second part of the article the author examines a relief on pillar 16 of the temple of Horus of Buhen (according to R. Caminos) showing Pharaoh Siptah making offerings to the goddess Bastet. Behind Siptah there is a figure of an official holding a fan (hw) in his hand. The official's name is not preserved, but the combination of the titles «king's messenger to Syria (H3rw) and Nubia (Kš)» and «fan-bearer on the king's right hand» was extremely rare under the XIX dynasty. An analysis of official's titles under Siptah shows that neither was any «fan-bearer» «king's messenger», nor did any «king's messenger» bear the title of «fan-bearer on the king's right hand». The only official who is regularly depicted together with Siptah on his representations (Gebel es-Silsileh, Deir el-Bahri, Aswan) is «Great Chancellor» Bay. This gives the author grounds to suggest that the «nameless official» on pillar 16 of the temple in Buhen is none other than Bay. This makes it possible to add to the list of Bay's titles two new ones, unknown before: «fan-bearer on the king's right hand» and «king's messenger to Syria and Nubia». The latter title falls in well with the letter RS 86.2230 from Ugarit, where Bay is called «chief of the bodygards of the king of Egypt». The fact that Bay was in direct touch with Ammurapi, the last Ugaritic king, allows the author to suppose that under Siptah he could have taken control of foreign affairs. The title of «chief of the bodygards» may give a clue to the question about the forces that supported Bay when he elevated Siptah to the throne of Egypt. In Ugaritic letter Bay was called as LU.GAL ERIN.MEŠ hu-ra-de4. The Ugaritic term hrd refers to the warriors who served on the person of the king. This elite group of warriors included Shardana detachment. That is why the author suggests that the bodyguards who were headed by Bay could consist partly of the Sea Peoples.

СТЕПАНЦОВ С.А. — 2008 г.

Matthew 10:16 is the subject of two St. Augustine's sermons: 64 and 64A, dedicated to martyrs. Interpreting the precept to be «wise as snakes», Augustine uses three schemes already developped in Christian exegesis (Ambrose, Hilary of Poitiers and others). His originality consists in applying the schemes specifically to the martyrs: they sacrifice their bodies for the sake of their spiritual head, which is Christ (as snakes were believed to hide their heads under their tails when hit); they enter through the narrow gate of death (as snakes pass through narrow openings in order to get rid of their old skin); and as a result they receive new life (as snakes were believed to renew their youth after casting off their slough). Martyrs are therefore considered by Augustine to be an ideal embodiment of the «snake wisdom» thus understood.

СИВКИНА H. Ю. — 2008 г.

Demetrias, Corinth and Chalcis on Euboea had great strategic value. Philip V aspired to peace cooperation with Greeks within the framework of the Common Peace treaty. For the transitional period the king tried to establish a new system of control over the Greek states. This system included three levels: (1) strong bases or «fetters of Greece» as Philip himself had once called them; (2) garrisons in large cities and (3) officers who were in charge of Macedonian affairs in certain areas. The most stable element of system - «fetters of Greece» -became a subject of anti-Macedonian propaganda. The Greeks regarded Philip as oppressor and tyrant, which resulted in a crash of his plans.

ДЕМЕНТЬЕВА В.В. — 2008 г.

БОБРОВНИКОВА Т.А. — 2008 г.

The paper re-considers all the sources having to do with the so-called «Legend of Scipio», including the data of comparative ethnography and folklore studies. The author comes to the conclusion that Polibius' account was not based upon real facts. It is no more than a curious attempt to apply his historical idea of how religion is born in generally to the particular case of the «Legend of Scipio». Therefore, the wide-spread literary cliche depicting Scipio as one who could easily manipulate the mob and simulate divine inspiration is to be rejected. This image was created entirely by Polybius so that it could fit his theory. One common source lies under the accounts of Julius Hyginus, Appianus and Ammianus Marcellinus, namely Varro, who trusted the legend and interpreted it in the line of his Pythagorean-Platonic concept of daemones. The core of the legend was formed by Scipio's own accounts (Scipio believed in his inspiration). The details added to the core were not due to the literary tradition and to the comparison with Alexander the Great (as some used to think), but were rooted in Italic folk tradition. The author puts forward a hypothesis that Scipio's legendary image influenced Numa's iconography in Rome in the 2nd century ВС.

РУСЯЕВА А.С. — 2008 г.

ТОХТАСЬЕВ С.Р. — 2008 г.

2008

2008

The basic mythological model of royal power in Egypt, constantly realized both verbally and visually, did not imply a feminine figure of queen. From the very beginning of its history, the king of Ancient Egypt was conceived as an earthly (human) manifestation of Hor-Falkon, one of the oldest Egyptian deities. In the early dynastic period Hor-Falkon was worshipped as the supreme solar and cosmic deity, and later on (after the development of new «solar theology») as the son and heir of Re, who had taken dominating position in the Egyptian pantheon. Thus, the ruling king, whatever his real descent might have been, was always an embodiment of a formidable and militant (which is usual for archaic cultures) masculine deity: either of the lord of daytime sky, or of Re's son, «the younger Sun». When a woman ascended the Egyptian throne (which was always due to some exceptional circumstances), the traditional order, sanctioned by the myth, seemed disturbed. Beside the usual ideological tasks (to present the king's power as such, to demonstrate properly success-fulness of the reign or, on the contrary, to explain away the calamities), a new problem had to be solved in such a case: mutual adaptation of the mythological model and the historical reality that contradicted it. The sources referring to the rule of woman-pharaoh Sebekneferw show us the earliest and the most striking instance of how a standard ideological programme could be realized in extraordinary circumstances. Aimed, as usual, at the legitimating of the power, this programme had then to cope with the necessity of correcting verbal and visual forms (i.e. titles and images) traditionally representing king's power in Egypt in accordance with the actual sex of the ruler. The process combined two apparently incompatible trends: feminisation of the traditional titles and masculinisation of her visual representation. From this point of view Sebeknefery can be seen as a precursor of and a model for another great woman-pharaoh of Egypt, Hatshepswt. In spite of Hatshepswt's efforts to emphasise the uniqueness of her rule, enthronement, etc., her own story was undoubtedly partly borrowed from the X// dynasty, namely from Sebekneferw.

РУНГ Э.В. — 2008 г.

The article is devoted to the interpretation of the evidence relating to the conclusion of the Peace of Antalcidas of 386 ВС. This peace was a result of the political situation in the Eastern Mediterranean in the early 4th с. ВС. It put an end to the Corinthian War and was also a kind of agreement between Greeks and Persians, under which the Persian King was not only a contracting party (as it was in the Peace of Callias and Spartan-Persian allied treaties), but established himself as the guarantor of the peace conditions proclaiming that he should wage the war against all disturbers of peace. How long did Persia dominate Greece in the period from the King's Peace to the rise of Macedonia? It seems definite that the period of 386-380 ВС was the culmination of the Persian influence upon Greek affairs. It is doubtless that the King's influence upon the Greek affairs was maintained by Sparta's dominant role in Greece. It was due to the position of the Spartans as the defenders (prostata?) of this peace, which was obtained by them because of their friendship with Persia. When Sparta lost its hegemony (after the battle of Leuctra in 371 ВС), the King of Persia lost his dominance over Greek affairs.

ГАБЕЛКО О.Л., ЧИГЛИНЦЕВ Е.А. — 2008 г.

СТАРОСТИН Д. Н. — 2008 г.

The article considers the calendar reform carried out by Charlemagne against the backdrop of recent debates about the use of the calendar within the framework of Carolingian expansion. The author supposes that there is no need to draw a clear border in the learned timekeeping (astronomically and mathematically informed) and maintains that Carolingian rulers and their entourage, much as their ecclesiastical historiographers, were proud of their Frank origin and consciously sought to adapt the Roman language of power to the realities of the Frank kingdom.

ШЕНКАРЬ М. А. — 2008 г.

The article is devoted to the unique «Yehud» drachma of unknown provenance preserved in the British Museum. Since its first publication in 1815, this coin has received much attention of different scholars, for the image of a divinity seated on the winged wheel, which is depicted on the reverse, was considered to be an unparalleled representation of the God of Israel. The coin bears an inscription of three Aramaic letters. The first two are soundly identified as «Y» and «H», but the last letter could be read not only as «D», but also as «W» and even «R». The obverse of the coin represents the profile of a bearded man wearing a Corinthian helmet. His identification with Bagoas, a general of Artaxerxes III known from Josephus Fla-vius as a Persian official who interfered with the Judean matters and desecrated the Temple, should be rejected, since Bagoas was an eunuch and could not have had a beard. Since no images of Persians wearing Corinthian helmets are known, it seems that the coin shows a Greek mercenary leader who probably held some official position in the imperial government in Palestine in the first half of the 4th century ВС (if this is in fact a portrait of some historical person and not a symbolic representation of a mercenary or a divinity as it was also suggested) and probably minted coins in order to hire mercenary troops. Despite being clearly associated with a well-known iconographic type of Zeus, the divinity on the reverse, shows some unusual features for the Greek art (for example, a winged wheel instead of a throne) and looks somewhat oriental. It rather reminds of one of the figures in the winged disk - a very common motive in the Achaemenid art, which probably depicts a chief Achaemenid god, Ahura Mazda. Since this drachma does not fit into the shekel weight system of the Yehud coins and stylistically resembles the coinages of Philistia (its attribution to Judah is based only on reading of the inscription as «YHD»), some scholars have proposed that it was issued in Gaza, or even by Edomite Jews. Nevertheless, it is more likely that this coin was minted in Samaria. The iconography of Samarian coinage is very similar to that of Philistia and demonstrates a strong Greek and (especially) Persian influence. In particular in Samaria we find the closest parallels to this coin, namely portraits of bearded warrior in helmet and images of winged Ahura Mazda (which are not found in Philistia). Moreover, if the reading «YHW» is accepted, it is probably the Samarian Yahwe who is depicted on the drachma.

ПАНОВ А.Р. — 2008 г.

The author is analysing the sources on Rome's activity concerning the Kingdom of Bosporus in 47-46 ВС focusing attention on the order of events. In August 47 ВС, after the battle of Zela, Caesar made Mithridates of Pergamon king of Bosporus. This fact allows the author to suppose that Mithridates was made king in order to persecute Pharnaces, who had not received approval of his claims for the throne. But the invasion of the Bosporus by Mithridates of Pergamon is dated to 46 ВС, when Pharnaces had already died; so the Roman protege had to fight against Asander. Obviously, Mithridates of Pergamon did not receive the awaited support from Rome, because he was defeated by Asander, who thus established himself firmly at Bosporus against Caesar's will.

СУРИКОВ И.Е. — 2008 г.

ДАНДАМАЕВ М.А. — 2008 г.

2008

КАРПЮК С.Г. — 2008 г.

Работа выполнена при поддержке РФФИ, проект 06-0-80078-а «Восприятие зимы и способы преодоления холодов древними греками в архаический и классический периоды (VIII-IV вв. до н.э.)». Первоначальный вариант был представлен на Международной конференции «Античность и современность» (Москва, 25-27 февраля 2007 г.), посвященной памяти двух выдающихся французских ученых - Жана-Пьера Вернана и Пьера Видаль-Накэ.

МАЛЫХ С. Е. — 2008 г.

Numerous miniature votive models of vessels were found in funerary complexes of the kings and in the nobles' tombs of the Pyramid zone: Abu-Roash, Giza, Abusir, Saqqara, Hel-wan, Dahshur and Meidum. The bulk of those objects come from the period of the 4th-6th dynasties, the peak of their use falling on the second half of the 4th and the 5th dynasty. The archaeological context of votive pottery accumulations at pyramid mortuary complexes and Sun Temples is homogenous: most models were found near the exits from the places of performing the royal cult, beyond the temples. This means that the models were used only once for daily rituals in the king's temples. Similar (but smaller) accumulations were discovered near the nobles' tombs by the exits of funerary chapels. Both royal and private pottery accumulations show that votive models prevailed over practical vessels in funeral rites. Analysing relevant archaeological and epigraphic data (tomb scenes illustrating offering of vessels), the author comes to the conclusion that ceramic models manufactured in pottery shops attached to mortuary temples of kings were directly connected with the formula htp-dj-nswt and apparently were used as substitutes for offerings of bread and beer in the ritual of feeding the III.