научный журнал по истории и историческим наукам Вестник древней истории ISSN: 0321-0391

ЛИТВИНЕНКО Ю.Н. — 2008 г.

ФРАНЦУЗОВ С.А. — 2008 г.

Данная публикация подготовлена при финансовой поддержке INTAS в рамках проекта № 05-1000008-8067 «Religions of Pre-Islamic Arabia in the Middle Eastern Cultural Context».

ИЛЮШЕЧКИНА Е. В. — 2008 г.

The author analyses the data of Dionysius Periegetes concerning the tribes and peoples who inhabited the Northern coast of the Black Sea and the Caucasus. Dionysius names Pontic tribes associating them with three routes: (1) from the Danube to the Azov Sea (v. 302-310); (2) around the Azov Sea and along the North-Eastern Black Sea coast (v. 652-689) and (3) along the Caucasian Isthmus between the Black and Caspian Seas (v. 695-705). Compared with other ancient writers, Dionisius' seems to give accounts of variable reliability. It may be inferred that Dionysius' ethnographic nomenclature derives, on the one hand, from the early Ionian and Hellenistic geographical tradition (Hecataeus of Miletus, Eratosthenes of Cyrene, Posidonius of Rhodes), and, on the other hand, from the poetical one (Homer, Hesiod, Calli-machus, Aratos of Solae, Apollonius of Rhodes).

КУЗНЕЦОВ А.Е. — 2008 г.

The reply of the Metelli to the insolent verse of Naevius is considered to be the most important evidence of social impact on the literary history of Republican Rome. The evidence is not, however, infallible. The story is founded on scholia of Pseudo-Asconius (In Verr. 129), a document of dubious reliability, which is the only extant source of the Naevian iambic verse «fato Metelli...», while the Saturnian reply «dabunt malum Metelli...» is attested by several metrical writers (Pseudo-Bassus, Aphthonius, Sacerdos, Atilius Fortunatianus, Terentianus Maurus). In this paper the author tries to demonstrate that (1) the text of Pseudo-Asconius is incoherent; (2) Pseudo-Asconius had at his disposal some metrical theory of the Saturnian that differed entirely from the theory used by those metricians who quoted «dabunt malum Metelli...»; (3) Pseudo-Asconius picked «fato Metelli...» out of some old Commentary to Cicero's speeches; (4) the metricians like Aphthonius knew nothing about «fato Metelli...». All this implies that Pseudo-Asconius merged two different sources, one providing «fato Metelli...» in order to explain the witty dictum of Cicero, and the other putting «dabunt malum Metelli...» forward as an example of the Saturnian meter. Thus the exchange of vituperative verses between the poet and the Metelli had no foundation in grammatical or historical tradition; this exchange was an accidental result of confusion made by a 5th century scholiast (Pseudo-Asconius). Two verses involved in the story require different approach. The iambic «fato Metelli...» no doubt came from some drama. The joke about Metellus' consulate in Cic. Verr. I. 29 does not definitely presuppose that «fato Metelli...» had some invective sense. In fact, various invective interpretations of the utterance «fato fieri» meet with considerable difficulties. Mar-morale argued with good reason that the verse had a laudatory sense and connected it with L. Caecilius Metellus (cos. 251, 247 A.D.). However the verse originated from fabula praetexta, not from Bellum Punicum as Marmorale conjectured. The verse «dabunt malum Metelli...» was a fiction of an antiquarian (probably republican), who sought to demonstrate the ideal form of the Saturnian. This ideal example was incorporated in a quasi-historical narrative about Naevius and the Metelli. The author of the anecdote thought that like ancient Greek iambography the original Saturnian had been an invective poetry. This reconstruction causes a problem, since the extant Roman sources do not treat Saturnan as an invective. Only Dionysius of Halicarnassus can provide some help, if we read (with Post and Carry) in his description of triumph (Ant. VII 72, 11) άμέτροις (ἄμα τοῖς ms.) and understand this word as a hint at a rough rhythm of the Saturnian verse.

ВИНОГРАДОВ Ю. А. — 2008 г.

In 1992-1994 excavations were carried out at the foot of a big rock, the so-called acropolis. They discovered 13 pits with the material of the second quarter of the 6th century ВС. Some traces of a big fire which took place about the middle of the 6th с were found. The layer of the fire and some of the earlier pits were discovered under 1 m thick stone walls. These walls are probably remains of a fortification system, which defended the acropolis. The fortification works must be dated to the second half of the 6th century or about its middle. The fortification system of Myrmekion is one of the earliest among those known so far in the North Pontic Area. The discoveries in question amend our views on the Greek colonisation of the Bosporus and of the early history of Bosporan colonies.

БУХАРИН М.Д. — 2008 г.

САПРЫКИН С.Ю., ФЕДОСЕЕВ Н.Ф. — 2008 г.

This is a publication of two inscriptions on lead plaques, discovered by chance in the Eastern Crimea and kept in private collections in Kerch and Sebastopol. The first one, rather fragmentary (10 lines, only 4 partly restored) comes from Kerch and was found on the Mithridates Hill - ancient acropolis of Panticapaeum, the capital of the Bosporan kingdom. It is dated to the first half of the 3rd century BC and gives a list of male personal names (only the names Doreos, Achaos, Thys are preserved). The document is a kind of defixio, rather popular in Ancient Greece and in the Black Sea areas - in Olbia and Bosporus. But this particular inscription is significant as the above mentioned personal names belong to people from Pa- phlagonia on the north coast of Asia Minor (the place name is mentioned in line 2). It is for the second time at Bosporus when the Paphlagonians are mentioned there in epigraphy. We had only one inscription before with the name of a Paphlagonian Drosanis, who in the first half of the 4th century BC fought in the country of the Maeotians, probably as a mercenary soldier of the Spartocids. The newly published inscription could refer to the mercenaries from Paphlagonia or simply to the immigrants who settled down in Panticapaeum as merchants. The second lead plaque was found in the sea off the shore in Acra, a small Bosporan town on the coast of the Strait of Kerch, and is dated to the late Hellenistic or early Imperial time. Seven partly preserved lines of the inscription prove that it was a message written by Botrys, the city prefect (ο J ε j πι ; τη ˜ ς πο v λεως), to a local official whose name can be plausibly restored as [Phili]ppos or [Leoni]ppos, etc. Botrys, presumably a royal official (his position has appeared at Bosporus for the first time, but is often attested in Ptolemaic Egypt, Pergamum, Cappadocia and the Seleucid kingdom), was appointed to Acra by the king of Bosporus to put under control the local administration and taxation and was deeply concerned with the coming of water or moisture into the shrines and other public buildings, including stoa. He ordered the local official who was in charge of them to stop it quickly. This inscription is very important, as Acra is now almost completely under the sea. The town was situated on the cape, while its coastal part, now swallowed up by the sea, was suffering from floodings already in ancient times. Bosporus was sporadically attacked by them, as we know it from Pliny the Elder, who told a local story about Antissae and Pyrrae - cities on the Maeotis (their real location is unknown) which were completely flooded up by sea-water (Pliny II. 94).

ДАНДАМАЕВ М.А. — 2008 г.

This paper is a modified version of the article published by the author under the title «A Babylonian Trader from Uruk» // Babel und Bibel 3 (Winona Lake. 2006. P. 517-521). It deals with business enterprises of Shamash-zer-ibni, son of Nanaja-iddin, a citizen of Uruk who was engaged in overland trade and other routine operations during 555-540 B.C. He is attested as a protagonist in a number of business and legal documents from the archives of the Eanna temple in Uruk.

НАЙМАРК А. И. — 2008 г.

Sogdian coinage started with a series of imitations following three types of Hellenistic coins. We have only the terminus post quern for their appearance, the dates of their Hellenistic prototypes. The area of circulation of each series should fairly well correspond to the geographic borders of an independent political entity responsible for the issue of particular series. However, the discovery of an imitation with a type of Alexander from the area of Ancient Kesh does not imply precise localisation of this coinage within the Kashka-Darya valley and remains a task for the future, when more material is available. Sogdian imitations of drachmas minted in Bactria under Antiochus I (281-261 ВС) eventually developed into the so-called «Samarkand Archer» type and differed from other partly simultaneous and independent branches of this type: coins with the head of the ruler facing left and the Hyrcodes coinage. However, without a new fundamental classification it is impossible to establish whether those parallel lines existed from the very beginning of imitative coinage or they branched from the main stem at different stages. Euthydemus' tetradrachma used as a prototype for Bukharan imitative series was the main «international currency», and thus both international trade and indemnity paid to neighbouring nomads could have brought it to the Bukharan oasis. The appearance of imitations there does not prove that Euthydemus ever had this region under his control.

СМИРНОВА Н. М. — 2008 г.

There were two main lines of silver imitations reproducing the type of Euthydemus' tet- radrachmas and differing in monograms and the style of the king's portrait (young or middle-aged). The great number of variants as well as long transformation into barbarian coinage caused regular and prolonged production of early imitations in Central Asia in the 2nd с. ВС. At the same time several variants of early imitations differing from Euthydemus' tet-radrachmas in weight, legends and details of images were minted temporarily. The quality of those imitations depended on the capability of engravers who occasionally used prototypes dating to various periods. A great number of variants of early imitations were reproduced for local market while its wide-spread prototypes were falling out of circulation. Imitative coinage could have been provoked by Euthydemus himself as well because of preventive payments to the barbarians who had occupied the border region between Sogdiana and Bactria.

ТУНКИНА И.В. — 2008 г.

Исследование выполнено при финансовой поддержке РФФИ, проект № 06-06-80283а, и РГНФ, проект № 08-01-91113а.

КОРОЛЕНКОВ А.В. — 2008 г.

The author reflects upon various aspects of Marius' figure as depicted by Sallust. Although this topic has attracted scholars' attention quite often, the author thinks that the key explanation of Sallust's view on Marius' conduct has not yet been found. The explanation that the author puts forward is connected with Marius' attitude to fors-fortuna. After the oracle of Utica had given him advice to try his fortune as often as possible and to be confident in its benevolence that Marius' «fall» began. This is reflected in his quarrel with Metellus and his struggle for consulate, which acquired the character of a party row. When Sallust describes Marius' speech after his election, he has in mind the armies of the civil war rather than the legions going to fight against Jugurtha. (Being instigators of a civil war, Marius and Sulla were not considered by Sallust as bearers of virtus: Marius' virtus was recognised by his partisans only; as for the future dictator, the word is never applied to him at all.) But when Marius acts without trusting fortuna, his action are regarded as quite positive. Following this line Sallust, e.g., justifies the slaughter of the inhabitants of Capsa after its surrender, for their loyalty could not be relied upon. The seizure of the Mulucca citadel, on the contrary, is definitely underrated by Sallust, for in his view fortuna played a decisive role in the event. Only when Marius gives up his confidence in fortuna, he becomes an ideal general and the true defeater of Jugurtha. One can guess that such confidence (in the prediction of seven consulates for him) would afterwards become the cause of Marius' new moral fall.

ЕРМОЛОВА ИРИНА ЕВГЕНЬЕВНА — 2008 г.

The article considers historical reliability of Ammianus Marcellinus' work. The author compares the aims set by the historian with their practical realization influenced by the circumstances of his life. Special attention is paid to Ammianus's attitude towards his military leader Urzicinus.

2008

ГОДКИН Д.Я. — 2008 г.

БАСАРГИНА Е.Ю. — 2008 г.

The author tells about five projects aimed at founding Russian archaeological institutes in Istanbul (Constantinople), Athens, Rome, Jerusalem and world's greatest capitals in the late 18th - early 20th century. She shows that of all those projects initiated by Russian scholars, diplomats and politicians only one was realized, namely the Russian Archaeological Institute in Constantinople which existed in 1894-1914 and greatly contributed to the study of ancient and Christian history on the Balkan Peninsula and in Asia Minor. WWI and the Bolshevist revolution put an end to this institute and frustrated the projects concerning the foundation of similar institutes in Athens, Rome and Jerusalem. In the author's opinion, the project to create a network of research institutions abroad put forward by the Russian Academy of Sciences in 1919 could only be unrealistic under the circumstances.

ЦИРКИН Ю. Б. — 2008 г.

Epigraphic finds in Spain prove that Sertorius was a proconsul, as it is also shown by Plutarch's data. The question arises: how could Sertorius take up this post without being a consul. Before Sulla's law, a person who had not been a consul could well become a proconsul, but after the 2nd Punic war this practice was abandoned. Sertorius was an active opponent of the Sullan party in 87 ВС and after their victory receded into the background, thus becoming a leader of the «opposition» party which he tried to organise within the anti-Sullan camp. It is not improbable that Sertorius was officially elected proconsul at the comitia (perhaps on Car-bo's initiative) with the purpose of uniting anti-Sullan forces and sending away Sertorius to the periphery of the Roman world. For some time Sertorius was unaware of his new position, but then, realising that he would not be able to play the leading role in Italy, he tried to create his own stronghold in Spain. Refusing to acknowledge Sulla and the governors he had appointed, Sertorius considered himself legally elected proconsul even during his second arrival on the Pyrenean Peninsula.

КОФАНОВ Л.Л. — 2008 г.

Modern studies in Roman law pay much attention to Roman predial servitudes and their origin traced back to the Twelve Tables. However, traditionally the origin of servitudes is connected with Roman private law and, consequently, with private ownership of land, though this does not agree very well with the fact that in the archaic period the land was almost exclusively in public property. At the same time, one can infer from the sources that the Romans had public predial servitudes (such as via and aquae haustus), though some modern scholars maintain that they did not exist till the post-classical law and were unknown to the classical jurists. No one denies, however, that many personal servitudes, namely, superficies and emphyteusis, developed not later than in the republican period as institutes of public law and were transferred to the sphere of private law in the imperial period. But again, no one is ready to admit that servitutes praediorum could undergo similar evolution. Meanwhile, the sources make it possible to conclude that classical Roman jurists and agrimensors used the term praedium to denote both private and public land and employed the term of predial servitude when referring to public law relations. Moreover, the data of Liber coloniarum, those of municipal laws of the 1st с. ВС, and the fragments of Hyginus Gromaticus allow the author to assert that the public servitude of via existed as early as in the republican time. In addition, analysing the information referring to the early Roman international agreements and to the history of Via Appia, which in the 4th с. ВС ran from Rome to Capua through the lands belonging not only to the Romans but also to their allies, the author comes to the conclusion that servitude of via was developing in the sphere of international law. An analysis of the Digest and Livy allows the author to assume that the servitus cloacae immittendae was originally public in character, and the agrarian law of 111 ВС describes servitus pecoris pascendi as a public servitude. The final conclusion of the author is that some kinds of servitudes came about earlier than private property of land and were developing originally as public ones; they were transferred to the sphere of private law only when private ownership of land had become widespread.

ДИОН КАССИЙ КОККЕЙАН — 2008 г.

Перевод с древнегреческого К.В. Маркова и А.В. Махлаюка; комментарии и общая редакция А.В. Махлаюка

ШКАРЕНКОВ П.П. — 2008 г.

The article deals with the formation of theoretical conditions for the royal power in Ostrogothic Italy on the basis of the material of «Variae» by Cassiodor, a prominent writer, statesmen and diplomat of the transitional period from antiquity to the Middle Ages. Cassiodor created a unique, idealistic image of the Ostrogothic kingdom as a natural successor of the Western Roman Empire. The article