научный журнал по истории и историческим наукам Вестник древней истории ISSN: 0321-0391

Архив научных статейиз журнала «Вестник древней истории»

  • ГРЕЧЕСКИЙ ИСТОЧНИК «ИСТОРИИ АПОЛЛОНИЯ, ЦАРЯ ТИРСКОГО»…

    ИЛЮШЕЧКИН В.Н. — 2008 г.

    Статья написана при финансовой поддержке РГНФ в рамках проекта «Религиозные представления в центре и на периферии античного мира», № 07-01-00016а.

  • ДВА ЖРЕЦА- УАБА И КУЛЬТ НЕИЗВЕСТНОЙ «ЦАРЕВОЙ МАТЕРИ» ЭПОХИ ДРЕВНЕГО ЦАРСТВА

    РОМАНОВА Е. А. — 2008 г.

    The present article considers the problem of historical relationships of two tomb-owners from the West Field of Gîza: 'Iy-mry (G 3098) and Rwd (G 3086), both of whom were wab-priests of the king's mother. Having analyzed topographical the location of their tombs, characteristics of the cemetery G 3000 (Minor Cemetery) building and the titles and epithets of the tomb-owners, the author accepts the dating of the tombs of 'Iy-mry and Rwd within the period from Khafra reign till the beginning of the V dynasty. On the basis of Rwd epithet «he who is rewarded by his mistress», a synchronism of his life and priesthood with the life of the king's mother in whose cult they were engaged, is proved. It has been found out that the possibility to identify the king's mother, who was mentioned in the titles of both wab-priests with the queens, namely Hetep-heres I and Khamerernebty I, Khentikaus I, can not be accepted because of the disagreement between dating of these wab-priests' tombs and the date of these queens' cult complexes and their architectural arrangement. The author suggests that both wab-priests seem to have been engaged in the cult of the mother of Khafra.

  • ДВА КЛАДА МЕДНЫХ МОНЕТ ПЕРВОЙ ПОЛОВИНЫ I В. ДО Н. Э. ИЗ ФАНАГОРИИ

    АБРАМЗОН М.Г., КУЗНЕЦОВ В.Д. — 2008 г.

    In 2007, during the excavation conducted by the Taman archaeological expedition of the Institute for Archaeology (RAS) at Phanagoria, two hoards of copper coins were found in a thick layer of ashes left by a fire of the 1st half of the 1st с. ВС. The first hoard consisted of seven Panticapaean tetrachalkoi of the 1st third of the 1st century ВС, of the pattern «Dionysos' (Apollo's) head to the right - thyrsus and tripod». The second hoard was found in a building destroyed by fire. It consisted of 19 coins: 11 tetrachalkoi of Bosporan cities (Panticapaeum, Phanagoria) and 8 oboloi of Pontic cities (Amisus, Gaziura, Taulara, Amastria and some coins of uncertain provenance). All the Bosporan tetrachalkoi are of the type «Head of Artemis - Doe» and all the Pontic oboloi are of the type «Head of Zeus - Eagle upon Thunderbolts». It is remarkable that all the tetrachalkoi, both Panticapaean and Phanagorian, have a wheat ear minted additionally on the obverse. The second of the complexes published here has some similarity to the hoards of the Mithridatic era containing Pontic copper. The presence of copper coins from Paphlagonia and Pontus of the epoch of Mithridates VI Eupator in many of these hoards is characteristic. Among the hoards of the Mithridatic epoch the ones published here seem to be the latest.

  • ДЕВЯТЫЕ ЖЕБЕЛЁВСКИЕ ЧТЕНИЯ В САНКТ-ПЕТЕРБУРГСКОМ ГОСУДАРСТВЕННОМ УНИВЕРСИТЕТЕ (31 ОКТЯБРЯ - 2 НОЯБРЯ 2007 Г.)

    КУЛИШОВА О.В., ФРОЛОВ Э.Д. — 2008 г.

  • ДИОН КАССИЙ КОККЕЙАН. РИМСКАЯ ИСТОРИЯ. КНИГА LII. ПЕРЕВОД С ДРЕВНЕГРЕЧЕСКОГО КВ. МАРКОВА И А.В. МАХЛАЮКА; КОММЕНТАРИИ И ОБЩАЯ РЕДАКЦИЯ А.В. МАХЛАЮКА (НИЖНИЙ НОВГОРОД) (ОКОНЧАНИЕ)

    2008

  • Е.В. СИЛЬВЕСТРОВA. LEX GENERALIS. ИМПЕРАТОРСКАЯ КОНСТИТУЦИЯ В СИСТЕМЕ ИСТОЧНИКОВ ГРЕКО-РИМСКОГО ПРАВА V-X ВВ. Н. Э. М., 2007

    МАРЕЙ А.В. — 2008 г.

    Рецензия написана в рамках проекта «Научный комментированный перевод Кодекса Феодосия» (грант РГНФ 08-03-00158а).

  • ИСТОРИК И ВЫЗОВЫ СОВРЕМЕННОСТИ: «РИМСКАЯ ИСТОРИЯ» ДИОНА КАССИЯ КАК ПАМЯТНИК ИСТОРИЧЕСКОЙ И ПОЛИТИЧЕСКОЙ МЫСЛИ III В. Н.Э

    МАРКОВ К. В., МАХЛАЮК А. В. — 2008 г.

    The article analyses Cassius Dio's work and defines some social and cultural factors, mental attitudes, personal motives and career vicissitudes that formed and guided his political and historical views. Dio's «Roman History» took its definitive conceptual shape in the late 220s. The main feature of that work is the expression of personal experience via historical narrative, his self-positioning as a senator-historian, who is the only one able to be a real «mediator» between Rome's great past and his own days. The Roman past was important and significant for Dio so far as it remained in present and could be correlated with contemporary political processes. By using the means of precedent historiographic tradition, first of all that of Thucydides, he gives an account of the Roman history as a whole, paying special attention to the Late Republican and Augustan times and looking intently into the actual problems of the Severan age. The feeling of total crisis of the Empire led Dio to detecting system and institutional changes underlying historical developments of the past and present times and to work out a coherent program of state reconstruction and reforms. This program is most explicitly formulated in the famous debate between Agrippa and Maecenas in Book 52. These two speeches form a compositional and conceptual unity, but it is in the Maecenas' speech that Dio suggests his responses to political challenges of his age. Some contradictions of the proposed program are more understandable if considered in the context of Alexander's rule. Therefore, the final composition of Book 52 may be dated to the very end of the 220s, when Dio achieved the top of his career, was favoured by Severus Alexander and, having some influence upon the emperor, could aspirate at least partial realisation of his reformist thoughts. The complex of ideas and practical proposals expressed (though not in a straightforward way) in the Agrippa-Maecenas' debate is on the whole the sum of Dio's own political experience and reflections. As a political realist he excellently understood how changeable the good-will of a monarch could be and relied not on the ruler's benevolence, but on the reorganisation of the governmental system. As a historian, Dio extends the repertoire of historiographic techniques at the expense of critical treatment of contemporary politics and direct appeal to political theory. All these features as well as the impressive amount of the narrative enable us to characterise Dio's «Roman History» as a unique historical writing for the early 3rd century A.D.

  • ИСТОРИЧНОСТЬ КНИГ ВЕТХОГО ЗАВЕТА В СВЕТЕ СОВРЕМЕННОЙ АРХЕОЛОГИИ

    БЛАСКЕС МАРТИНЕС Х.-М., КАБРЕРО ПИКЕРО X. — 2008 г.

    The authors review the main ideas of the archaeological «revision» of the Biblical history. Pointing out that certain passages of the Old Testament do not agree well with the so far known archaeological material, they come to the conclusion that the tradition concerning the Patriarchs and the Exodus could hardly be regarded as historical in its main lines, that Canaan was not conquered by the Israelis in the traditionally assumed way (because the Israelis were probably of Canaan origin and adopted the new way of life because the Canaan urban civilization fell into decay in the late Bronze Age), that the «golden age» of David and Solomon might have been a historical fiction created in the 7th с. ВС and that in the period of the First Temple Yahwe's cult was of Canaanite type and was not monotheistic in its character.

  • К 75-ЛЕТИЮ СО ДНЯ РОЖДЕНИЯ ЭДУАРДА ДАВИДОВИЧА ФРОЛОВА

    2008

  • К 80-ЛЕТИЮ МАГОМЕДА АБДУЛКАДЫРОВИЧА ДАНДАМАЕВА

    2008

  • К 80-ЛЕТИЮ РАУФА МАГОМЕДОВИЧА МУНЧАЕВА

    МЕРПЕРТ Н.Я. — 2008 г.

  • К ВОПРОСУ О ХРОНОЛОГИИ РАБОТЫ ДИОНА КАССИЯ НАД «РИМСКОЙ ИСТОРИЕЙ»

    МАРКОВ К. В. — 2008 г.

    According to Dio himself, he had been collecting material for his work for 10 years and working over the main part of his «Roman History» for 12 years. The author of the paper shows that the terminus post quern for the beginning of the first stage is 201, while the second one could not come to an end later than 229. Precise chronology does not seem to be determinable, but one can infer that Dio began to collect his material under Septimius Severus and that the bulk of writing was made in the 220s. There might have been a pause between the two periods. Book LXXX (and perhaps some other final books) was written after 229, after Dio had moved back to his native Bithynia.

  • К ИСТОРИИ ХЕТТО-АССИРИЙСКИХ ОТНОШЕНИЙ В КОНЦЕ XIII - НАЧАЛЕ XII В. ДО Н.Э

    НЕМИРОВСКИЙ А. А. — 2008 г.

    The paper deals with Hittite-Assyrian relations under Tukulti-Ninurta and his successor (whose reign ended approximately at the moment when the Hittite kingdom was destroyed by the end of 1190s, according to the middle chronology). The author assumes that: 1) the so-called «Nihriya war» (RS 34.165 and KBo IV 14) is to be dated to the reign of Shalmaneser I; 2)) Arnuwanda's treaty with Ismerikka (C

  • К ИСТОРИИ ЮЖНОПОНТИЙСКОГО РЕГИОНА В ЭЛЛИНИСТИЧЕСКОЕ ВРЕМЯ

    ЕФРЕМОВ Н. В. — 2008 г.

    The article deals with a little known episode in the history of the South Black Sea region during the time of Alexander the Great. The region in question was not directly affected by Alexander's conquests. The Paphlagonians concluded a formal treaty with the new ruler, acknowledging themselves to be his subjects. One can conjecture that similar situations could be observed in Greek poleis, notably in Sinope, which recognized Alexander's power as that of a successor of the Achaemenids.

  • К ПОЛЕМИКЕ ВОКРУГ КБН-АЛЬБОМА (ПИСЬМО В РЕДАКЦИЮ ПО ПОВОДУ ОБЗОРА ИЛ.ЛЕВИНСКОЙ И С.Р. ТОХТАСЬЕВА «ИЗ НОВЕЙШЕЙ ИСТОРИИ БОСПОРСКОЙ ЭПИГРАФИКИ» - ВДИ. 2005. № 4. С. 179-198)

    ГАВРИЛОВ А.К., КЕЙЕР Д.В., ПАВЛИЧЕНКО Н.А. — 2008 г.

  • КРАСНОФИГУРНЫЙ КИЛИК С НАДПИСЬЮ ИЗ РАСКОПОК ХЕРСОНЕСА ТАВРИЧЕСКОГО

    МАКАРОВ И.А., УШАКОВ С.В. — 2008 г.

    The cylix unearthed in the south-eastern part of Chersonesus belongs to the group of red-figure vessels with Dionysian scenes and is dated to the 1st half of the 4th century ВС. The Greek inscription scratched on the tondo reads: 'Αγεμόvας καλα'ς. The Paleographic characteristics of the inscription correspond to the 4th с. ВС. The noun 'Αγεμόvα admits two interpretations. If it is a woman's personal name (not so far attested in North Pontic epigraphy), the inscription is to be read as a proprietor's mark: «Beautiful Hagemona's cup». But if it is an epiclesis, it is most probably referred to the supreme goddess of Chersonesus, Parthenos. If this is the case, the inscription is sacral in character and confirms the closeness of the Chersonesian cult of Parthenos to that of Artemis. The cult of Artemis Hegemone is known in many parts of the Greek world (especially in Peloponnese). In Chersonesus the epiclesis 'Αγεμόvα could refer to various aspects of Parthenos' cult. The goddess could have been seen as the leader of the first colonists and protector of the city, as a patroness of girls and women or as the head of the nymphs, whose sanctuary, situated on the acropolis, was one of the city's attractions (Pomp. Mela II. 3).

  • Л.Л. КОФАНОВ. LEX I IUS: ВОЗНИКНОВЕНИЕ И РАЗВИТИЕ РИМСКОГО ПРАВА В VIII-III ВВ. ДО Н. Э. М., 2006

    ВЛАСОВА О.А. — 2008 г.

  • ЛОГОГРАФОI В ТРУДЕ ФУКИДИДА (I. 21. 1) И ГЕРОДОТ (ОБ ОДНОМ МАЛОИЗУЧЕННОМ ИСТОЧНИКЕРАННЕГРЕЧЕСКОГО ИСТОРИОПИСАНИЯ)

    СУРИКОВ И. Е. — 2008 г.

    Traditionally, Greek historians of the first generation are called «logographers» in scholarly literature. These «logographers» (Hecataeus, Hellanicus and others) are usually opposed to Herodotus in a number of respects. It is often believed that the term «logographer» meaning «early, pre-Herodotean historian» is of ancient origin, and that already Thucydides (I. 21. 1) used logographoi exactly in such a sense. But an attentive reading of Thucydides' passage in its context shows that when he says logographoi, he does not mean Hecataeus & C°, but none other than his own immediate predecessor - Herodotus! Why is Herodotus a «logographer» for Thucydides? Because he wrote logoi - «narrations» or simply «orations». Here we must note that a specific genre of Greek oratory had a strong though rarely observed influence on Herodotus' work. It was the genre of logos epitaphios, funerary oration, reasonably defined by N. Loraux as «the Athenian history of Athens». Funerary orations were saturated with historical material, very much biased. Herodotus, when in Athens, had every possibility to listen to such speeches, and he apprehended many of their features. With a bit of exaggeration we can even say that the whole of Herodotus' «Histories» is a large cycle of laudatory orations on Greco-Persian Wars, with information given from typically Athenian point of view. As is well known, Herodotus often recited, publicly and orally, his logoi, parts of his work. So Thucydides criticizes Herodotus as a «logographer», a «writer of speeches». Thucydides himself, as the founder of a different historical method, tries to delimit his writing from that Herodotean «logographic» tradition.

  • МАКЕДОНСКАЯ АРИСТОКРАТИЧЕСКАЯ СЕМЬЯ ИЗ БЕРОИ

    КУЗЬМИН Ю.Н. — 2008 г.

    Работа выполнена в рамках проекта «Институты монархии в эллинском мире (V-I вв. до н.э.): эволюция, региональные особенности, атрибутика» (грант РГНФ № 05-01-01225а).

  • МАТРИМОНИАЛЬНАЯ ПОЛИТИКА ДЕМЕТРИЯ II МАКЕДОНСКОГО: НОВЫЕ РЕШЕНИЯ СТАРЫХ ПРОБЛЕМ

    ГАБЕЛКО О. Л., КУЗЬМИН Ю. Н. — 2008 г.

    Considering the matrimonial policy of Demetrios II of Macedonia (239-229 ВС) the authors pay special attention to two questions: (1) the parentage of Demetrios' first wife, Seleucid princess Stratonice, and (2) the identity of the mother of Demetrios' son, famous Philip V. According to the tradition, Stratonice was sister of Antiochus II Theos {Just. 28.1.2; Euseb. Chron. 1.249 Schoene; cf Jos. C. Apion. 1.206-207). However, when ascending the throne in 260 Antiochus II was still very young (26 according to Euseb. Chron. 1.251 Schene), and according to the common practice, at about the same time he gave his daughter (also called Stratonice) in marriage to the future Ariarthes III of Cappadocia (Diod. 31.19.6; Euseb. Chron. 1.251 Schoene; Synk. P. 332.6-7 Mosshammer). If that was the case, Antiochus' daughter was still a child. It is not improbable that the tradition confuses two Stratonices: it was Antiochus' sister who married the Cappadocian prince ca. 260-258 ВС, while his daughter later married the future Demetrios II of Macedonia. The latter marriage was arranged by Demetrios' father Antigomus II Gonatas and Antiochus Theos, apparently in connection with the end of the 2nd Syrian war in the late 250s. In the middle of the 240s Antigonus Gonatas tried to arrange a marriage of his successor Demetrios to Nicaea, widow of Alexander of Corinth (Plut. Arat. 17.2-5; Polyaen. 4.6.1). The marriage was either never contracted or very short, for Antigonus' purpose was to capture Corinth controlled by Nicaea, and this end was achieved. Apparently, Stratonice's position at the Macedonian court was not threatened by the projected marriage of Demetrios and Nicaea. Only when Demetrios married the Epirote princess Phthia (which episode must have been connected with the anti-Aetolian alliance of Macedonia and Epirus), Stratonice had to leave the kingdom of the Antigonids, especially since she had failed to give birth to a son or was childless at all, for her assumed daughter Apama had probably been born by Phthia. It was also Phthia who gave birth to the future Philip V. The fact that Phthia was Philip's mother can be proved by a very rare dental defect (teeth gemination) which Phthia's grandfather, the great Pyrrhus, had as well as the Bithynian prince Prusias Moνóδoυζ; (Plut. Pyrrh. 3.6; Liv. per. 50; Val. Max. 1.8.12; Plin. NH. 7.69; Solin. 1.70; Tzetz. Chil. 3.950 = Arr. Bithyn. FGrHist 156 F 29). This heritable disease could come to the Bithynian dynasty via the Antogonids after Prusias Fs marriage to Philip V's sister Apama, who must have been Phthia's daughter (Polyb. 15.22.1; Strab. 12.4.3; Hermipp. 3 F 72). After Phthia, who might have been repudiated for political reasons after the fall of the Aeac-ids' monarchy in Epirus in the late 230s ВС, the place of the queen and (κατα θέoιv) future Philip V's mother (and later of the wife of Antogonus III Doson) could have been taken up by Chryseis, whose descent is not clear. However one cannot discard W.W. Tarn's opinion that Chriseis was Phthia's nickname.